A WAKE-UP CALL FOR EUROPE

The Europe we want

The forthcoming enlargement of the European Union will provide a historic opportunity to reconcile and unite all the countries of Europe and in this way to make a major contribution to the stability of both the West and the world at large. At the same time, considerable progress has already been made towards the Treaty of Rome's central objective of creating "an ever closer union among the peoples of Europe". 

A few months from now, 290 million Europeans will be using a single currency, and this revolutionary step should encourage other advances: a European Rapid Reaction Force and Headquarters are, for example, being established in order to make the Union more effective and autonomous in the prevention and management of crises; the creation of a judicial space of freedom and security is making good progress; and the coordination of national economic and social policies is becoming increasingly effective. 

Never has the European dream that was formulated half a century ago been as tangible as it is today. This achievement should give us confidence as well as pride. Europe, in becoming a community of values, is fulfilling it's destiny.

That said, this seemingly robust scenario masks continuing major weaknesses within the European Union which enlargement could well make worse. Most of the progress registered so far results from decisions taken some time ago. For a number of years, the European Union has been losing momentum and it is suffering from a loss of identity because of the lack of any common political project beyond that of enlargement. Divided over Economic Monetary Union as well as over defence, Europe can agree neither on the objectives and methods of integration, nor on what more is needed in order to make a success of enlargement. The growing complexity of the institutions weakens them and reduces popular support for them.

Only a realistic political project which is able to generate new ambitions and provide a sense of direction to the current phase of European unification, stands a chance of reversing the longer term loss of momentum, the crisis of European identity, and an increasing disillusionment on the part of Europe's citizens. Without such a project, the institutions are bound to continue to function poorly and European summits seem condemned to produce results incapable of going beyond the lowest common denominator. 

The feeble achievements of the European Council meeting in Nice were no accident, and the Irish "no" should be seen much in the same context.

The real danger for Europe now is that everything may come to a halt.

We need a new initiative. If Europe can be seen as an engine, then it has to start running again at full speed, with a spirit of common purpose which puts us ahead rather than behind the flow of events. 

There will be instances where we will still need temporary solutions and ones which will allow for those who, in Spaak's words, want to go " faster and further". But we must never lose sight of the fact that the whole construction of Europe is based on a continuous transition towards greater European integration.

Our European Project

As heirs to the fathers of Europe and to their already considerable achievements, there is no better way for today's leaders of the European Union to honour their responsibilities than through the ambitious objective of pursuing the european project to it's completion.

The great public debate, which was decided on in Nice last December, should contribute to this. Already, several Heads of State and Government have put forward ambitious ideas for the future of Europe. If there are clearly significant differences between some of these visions of the future, nonetheless the time would appear to be ripe for a democratic and productive discussion about the central structure of the European Union. 

The scope and content of the new project must clearly be identified and agreed before it's implementation is tackled. Moreover, if we are to avoid doctrinal and ideological obstacles, institutional and operational issues can only be discussed once political choices have been made.

The preambles to the Treaties have provided foundations for Europe based on the values of peace, shared prosperity, solidarity, democracy and respect for individuals and their fundamental rights. 

These values are also our contribution to the emergence of a new world order, and the recent declarations of European leaders are in line with them. Their statements should help towards reaching agreement on the objectives of the common project.

The European Union must reinforce its internal cohesion if it is to complete its task. 

The single currency requires a real coordination of macro-economic policies and a common platform for fiscal matters and social policy. 
Pooling our human, scientific, and technological resources should lead us towards a sustainable economic development that takes account of available natural resources as well as of the environment. 
The creation of a space of freedom and justice requires us to bring our legal systems closer together so as to provide for a joint campaign against organised crime and terrorism. 

These developments represent the political realisation of our model for European society: any enlargement which is not accompanied by an agreed model of society would be highly damaging both for Europe's successful integration and for her external influence.

The European Union must also become an international player and one which is both truly global and influential. 

It must contribute to the management of a world economy by promoting the concepts of solidarity, sustainable development and shared prosperity which have been at the foundation of it's own progress. 

It must also help the community of nations face up to new challenges which are threatening world stability, such as the ecological balance, the proliferation of arms of mass destruction, or systemic financial crises.

These essential tasks mean that Europe must develop her own contribution to the world order by promoting general agreement to the reforms needed by the international system inherited from the Second World War and the Cold War. This must be done by reinforcing multilateralism and through a more direct association of the poor and developing countries.

The Union has the vocation to become one of the major architects of the future international order. It's unique model, which has brought peace, the rule of law, and cooperation to a continent that had for many years been torn apart by war and nationalism can be an inspiration for other regions of the world. 

Europe advocates respect for all nations while having no desire to dominate any of them. However to make an effective contribution Europe needs a single voice, based on common positions.

More efficiency and democracy

If it is to realise these aspirations, the Union will need strong, democratic, and effective institutions based on the two pillars on which it was founded: on the one hand the member states which provide the irreplaceable framework for national identity, and on the other democratic federal institutions, responsible for common interests. An institutional structure, taking the form of a federation of nation states and consistent with the objectives of the European Union's founding fathers, could now form the basis of a promising consensus.

The government of the European Union should continue to be based on the Council of Ministers and the European Commission, working together under directions given by the European Council. 

This latter institution should concentrate more than at present on its essential role of providing impetus and guidance. The Commission has the essential task of identifying the common interest. It would gain more democratic credentials if its presidency and its composition were linked to the European elections. The Council, which constitutes the collective expression of the general interest of the member states, should in general vote by qualified majority.

Enlargement carries the danger of an increased number of blocked decisions due to the veto of one or other member state. This in turn is likely to reinforce the regrettable Brussels practice of compiling package deals, where a point of no particular interest is vetoed by a country in order to secure agreement to an issue of importance to it. This is a contagious process that can lead to a more general paralysis and to a system where only bureaucrats feel at home. Majority voting should be seen as a guardian of the institutions, and therefore the most sensible basis on which to conduct business.

The Council of Ministers, meeting under the rubric of the General Affairs Council should bring together those Minister essentially concerned with European affairs and should have a special responsibility, together with the Commission, for the preparation and follow-up of European Councils.

The European Parliament should exercise all legislative and budgetary power through co-decision with the Council. Ad hoc parliamentary conventions which include national parliaments should have the power to debate certain revisions of Europe's constitutional arrangements as well as the accession treaties and the direct financing of the Union.

The essential achievements of the European Union, from the customs union to the single currency have been realised through the so-called "community method", based on a privileged right of initiative granted to an independent European Commission, and on qualified majority voting in Council. This system allows for a permanent dialogue between the two institutions conducted under clear procedural rules. 

Thus the Commission is unable to impose it's views but can ensure that, in the common interest, it's views are always discussed. Such a system will be more necessary than ever in an enlarged European Union, where decisions will be even more difficult to take. 

It should be retained even if it has to be adapted in cases where no legislation as such is involved.

In addition, cooperation between member states outside the treaty procedures should be encouraged as required, even if, where the re-launch of the European Union is concerned, such activities should in no way become a substitute for the normal decision taking process as laid down in the Treaties. 

Europe needs a new overall plan for further integration, and without this a system of ad hoc cooperation will only lead to division and disharmony. If considerably more cooperation outside the Treaties proves necessary, then it will need to be embedded in new structures so that such cooperation can be both consistent and transparent.

Democracy requires that each level of power and competence within the European Union be both precisely defined and consistent with the principle of subsidiarity. 

Democracy also requires that the Charter of Fundamental Rights, approved at Nice, be incorporated into the Treaties and that their texts be made accessible to Europe's citizens. It is normal for a democratic society to have the fundamental elements of it's social contract clearly set out so that they can be correctly understood by everyone.

____________________________

Today's Europe does not need to be reinvented. It already has over half a century of history behind it, a history consisting of considerable advances as well as of hesitations and, at times, crises. This past gives Europe it's unique identity in the world. If Europe is to rise to a fresh challenge and become an identifiable political and democratic community, she needs to draw on experiences that have already enabled her to transform dreams into reality. 

Europe has now realised one ambitious project based on checks and balances that reconcile the unique nature of her institutions with a respect for national identity, and on a method which facilitates progress while taking into account all points of view. 

On the eve of the reunification of the continent, Europe must draw again on the treasure of her past in order to find the inspiration which will enable her to rise to her destiny.

Europe has been built not by ideologues but by men and women who have been both stubborn and daring.

Europe is asleep: it is time to awaken her!

The manifesto was organised by Etienne Davignon, former Vice President of the European Commission, President of Friends of Europe and Vice-President of the Société Générale de Belgique. 
It was signed by: Helmut Schmidt, Giuliano Amato, Etienne Davignon, Jean-Luc Dehaene, Helmut Kohl, Felipe Gonzalez, Jacques Santer, Peter Sutherland, Karel van Miert, Mario Soares, Maria Lourdes Pintassilgo and Lord Jenkins. Valéry Giscard d'Estaing and Ruud Lubbers were asked, but did not respond to the invitation. Nicole Fontaine and Simone Veil did not sign because of their role whithin the institutions.